A
close and meticulous research revealed by majority of the Igbo respondents that
at death of a woman’s husband, she would be expected to surrender all the man’s
properties, including bank account to the relations for appropriation. She
would, in some communities, be expected to take an oath that, she had not
concealed anything from the family members. In some communities, the woman
would be accused of masterminding the husband’s
close and meticulous research revealed by majority of the Igbo respondents that
at death of a woman’s husband, she would be expected to surrender all the man’s
properties, including bank account to the relations for appropriation. She
would, in some communities, be expected to take an oath that, she had not
concealed anything from the family members. In some communities, the woman
would be accused of masterminding the husband’s
death even where it is very
apparent that he died a natural or accidental death. Hence, the widowhood rite
would begin by making the woman to pass through “acid” test such as “drinking
bitter water”, swearing in a shrine, drinking water use to bath the husband
corpse or going to a “T-junction” to bath, returning home by 2.00am. It is
believed that if she survives any or a combination of these, then she is free
from the guilt of causing her husband’s death.
The
above notwithstanding, the property of the dead man among the Igbos passes to
his siblings rather than to his wife and children who are left un-regarded or
are often ejected from those properties. It has been suggested that the
humiliating and almost inhumane ordeal to which the Igbo woman is subjected
during widowhood rites are to subjugate her and deter her from ever laying claims
to her husband’s properties.
above notwithstanding, the property of the dead man among the Igbos passes to
his siblings rather than to his wife and children who are left un-regarded or
are often ejected from those properties. It has been suggested that the
humiliating and almost inhumane ordeal to which the Igbo woman is subjected
during widowhood rites are to subjugate her and deter her from ever laying claims
to her husband’s properties.
The
Yoruba respondents on the other hand revealed that after the death of the
husband, his wife or wives would be expected to observe the community-based
widowhood rites. Thereafter, the leaders of the extended family would
constitute themselves into a committee to share the man’s properties among the
children and close kits and kin where he had only one wife. This is called “Olori ko kori” – i.e. an individual basis.
However, where he had more than one wife, the properties are shared on the
basis of “onidi judi”, that is, on the basis of the group of children each wife
has. Clearly, in Yorubaland, a dead man’s properties belong primarily to his
children and can be extended to his close kin but the wife/wives have access to
their late husband’s properties only through their children.
Yoruba respondents on the other hand revealed that after the death of the
husband, his wife or wives would be expected to observe the community-based
widowhood rites. Thereafter, the leaders of the extended family would
constitute themselves into a committee to share the man’s properties among the
children and close kits and kin where he had only one wife. This is called “Olori ko kori” – i.e. an individual basis.
However, where he had more than one wife, the properties are shared on the
basis of “onidi judi”, that is, on the basis of the group of children each wife
has. Clearly, in Yorubaland, a dead man’s properties belong primarily to his
children and can be extended to his close kin but the wife/wives have access to
their late husband’s properties only through their children.
Among
the Igbos and the Yorubas, the respondents revealed that a barren woman has no
rights to his late husband’s properties and their widowhood rites are less
rigorous.
the Igbos and the Yorubas, the respondents revealed that a barren woman has no
rights to his late husband’s properties and their widowhood rites are less
rigorous.
Among
the Yorubas, the issue of widow inheritance was common up to three or four
decades ago in which case, a close kin of the dead was expected to take his
widow as wife after the normal widowhood rites. This custom has however almost
completely fizzled out except in very remote rural areas.
the Yorubas, the issue of widow inheritance was common up to three or four
decades ago in which case, a close kin of the dead was expected to take his
widow as wife after the normal widowhood rites. This custom has however almost
completely fizzled out except in very remote rural areas.
Among
the Igbos also, widow inheritance is no more popular as it was about three
decades ago. Indeed, as revealed by most of the respondents, most widows who
has passed child-bearing age prefer to remain unmarried and to stay in the family
of their late husband, taking care of their children.
the Igbos also, widow inheritance is no more popular as it was about three
decades ago. Indeed, as revealed by most of the respondents, most widows who
has passed child-bearing age prefer to remain unmarried and to stay in the family
of their late husband, taking care of their children.
